The Brexit campaign was transformed from a fringe eccentricity into a mass movement by a handful of people who decided to make it into an argument about identity.

If only Brexit would go away. It sucks the political oxygen away from the issues we should all be discussing: like low wages, insecure jobs and the housing crisis.

Henry VIII Clauses allowing the Government to change almost any law of the land by statutory instrument, if needed, to implement Brexit must be properly restricted.

Those who think that Brexit offers an opportunity to move to some low tax, almost off-shore de-regulatory haven don't seem to care about the threat posed by Corbyn.

I was fully aware of the challenges facing London before I was elected as mayor, but I didn't anticipate the issue that is likely to define my time as mayor - Brexit.

When we were told Brexit meant taking back powers for Parliament, no one told my constituents this meant the French parliament and the German parliament, not our own.

The Government has boxed itself in by trying to codge together this weird fake Brexit in the hope of committing people to somehow delivering on the referendum result.

I've spent my whole life fighting for leftwing causes, so I can tell you, no one is more surprised than me to be standing as candidate for Nigel Farage's Brexit party.

There is no upside for the U.K. in Brexit. Only costs that can be avoided and advantages to be seized by remaining in Europe. No one should have to pay the Brexit tax.

I'm really keen to see a Labour government because there are many things to be done, not least pursuing a sensible Brexit and not one that damages our economy and jobs.

People get so heated about it and can't see the funny side, I think. And plus, everything's been said. It must be really difficult to come up with new jokes about Brexit.

The architects of Brexit are a cocktail of lying racists and buffoons. I don't think even someone as cynical as me could have predicted how deeply stupid these people are.

I think we've got caught up in the weeds of Brexit, and... the approach has been to try and compromise and split the difference. And that to me is not what Brexit is about.

In some ways, backing the Trump campaign was even harder than battling for Brexit. I received almost total condemnation, including from many senior figures in my own party.

The English, being the most practical people in the world, came up with parliamentary democracy and codified football and Cadbury's Creme Egg. And yet they voted for Brexit.

The Labour party still really has no idea why their people voted for Brexit. They still think that basically it's naive Labour voters being conned by terribly clever Tories.

For Liberal Democrats, the political choice between the hard Brexit menus offered by Boris Johnson and Jeremy Hunt might seem about as tempting as arsenic verses strychnine.

If the vote that is progressive is split then all that does is open up the path for the Brexit party and allow it to pretend it represents the majority view in this country.

I confess that when I hear Boris Johnson's slogan let's get Brexit done it sends a chill. Because it's let's get Brexit done so we can focus on the important domestic issues.

The skills necessary to change nappies or negotiate Brexit are obviously very different, but both involve a great deal of trust in the competence of the people doing the job.

It is obvious to voters that Brexit has caused both of our principal parties to take leave of their traditional and historic purposes and principles, if not also their senses.

Brexit is a cliff, not a gradient. The mistake we are in danger of making is to believe that some Brexits are better than others when the fundamental problem is Brexit itself.

Brexit has certainly exposed an ugly underbelly of our democracy. It is clear to me that we must ensure that the many Leave voting communities must never be left behind again.

Only Boris Johnson will get the best Brexit deal for Britain, defeat Jeremy Corbyn's divisive shambles of an opposition, and govern the United Kingdom in the national interest.

I fought for MPs to have the right to vote on article 50 not because I was against Brexit, but because I was, and remain passionately, an advocate of parliamentary sovereignty.

There is one party, the Conservative Party who is committed to honouring the referendum result, getting Brexit done and then delivering on the priorities of the British people.

Speaking to people in all parts of the country, it has become clear to me that there is a definite appetite for the option to reject Theresa May's Brexit and hold a referendum.

Of course, the E.U. were never going to welcome Brexit. Some sour grapes were inevitable. That's why we worked hard to leave on positive terms, extending the arm of friendship.

In retrospect, the populist panic may have been overblown. Regarding Brexit, for example, the shock exaggerated its meaning. Because it was so unexpected, it became a sensation.

Poll after poll has shown that a no-deal Brexit is emphatically not what the public wants - whatever the Leave campaign-staffed No 10 press office may tell lobby correspondents.

There is a sense of resignation among most people who voted Remain that we have to 'man up' - even the women among us - and make the most of what we know will be a rotten Brexit.

There's a way that we can deliver a Brexit that works for our country, and the really interesting thing is the amount of Tory MPs working with Labour MPs, forming that consensus.

I will always believe that my vote, and the votes of my Lib Dem colleagues, are the best thing I can do to save this country from a no-deal Brexit and save it from Boris Johnson.

Part of the Brexit debate was about control, having a say over our laws and money and letting politicians stand up for what the people voted for, not signing away our sovereignty.

I think people will always do have an interest in policy areas, but Brexit is certainly got people talking and thinking and, so, probably more engaged than they would otherwise be.

We need to work together to either achieve a form of Brexit that does not threaten our future or ensure that the decision to complete departure is the electorate's informed choice.

More and more people - Leavers and Remainers - from every region, every political party and every walk of life, are demanding a vote on the final Brexit deal before we leave the EU.

We always knew that whatever party Nigel Farage led - first UKIP and then the Brexit party - was basically a vehicle for his own political self-glorification and now he's proved it.

Being in the European Union has its advantages, and I think that is what the British are beginning to understand, what those who are tempted by the Brexit are going to reflect upon.

Ever since Theresa May's premiership, I have become suspicious of the 'lectern moment'. That is when the prime minister steps outside Downing Street to address the nation on Brexit.

Brexit is a ceaseless grind of conversations about customs unions and backstops. Anything that can add an air of whimsical, childlike wonder to proceedings can only be a good thing.

Of course we've got to deliver Brexit; but then we've got to win a majority by appealing to aspirational people in the centre ground of British politics, where there's a gaping hole.

The creative industries, a source of optimism in recent years owing to, among other things, a resurgence on the world stage of British music, have come out foursquare against Brexit.

If a no-deal Brexit would happen like has been discussed, I think we would have a major impact in terms of our operations going to the races and getting our cars developed and ready.

I think the depressing litany of projections about World War Three and global Brexit recession we hear from the Remain side is not the sort of approach we should take into the future.

For those who want out, Brexit remains an end in itself, regardless of what is in the interest of our society, in terms of prosperity, security and influence on the wider world stage.

The case for Brexit was made on rhetorical flourishes and promises and bluster. A lot of promises on which people voted have turned out to be undeliverable. It was a false prospectus.

I believe that Theresa May is going to end up with a botched Brexit that will satisfy no one and make sure that calls for a people's vote on the final Brexit deal will only get louder.

Brexit is a self-inflicted wound; the people of this country hold the knife, and they don't have to use it if they don't want to. The people, not the hardline Brexiteers, are in charge.

As a strong believer that Brexit is a very damaging mistake that becomes more obvious every day, I see sound democratic reasons for asking the electorate to confirm what it wants to do.

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