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Leaving people worse off financially is a Brexit outcome nobody supports, whether they voted leave or remain.
I'm well aware of different views across my own party and across Parliament on pretty well all Brexit issues.
Those who think in Britain they can push the Brexit button and not have a bill to pay are seriously mistaken.
It's irresponsible to scare E.U. nationals in the U.K. by hinting that their status might change after Brexit.
I am well aware of different views across my own party and across parliament on pretty well all Brexit issues.
Climate change remains the biggest threat to our civilisation, economy and security - even bigger than Brexit.
Brexit is actually a step back in the sense that you are going back from being connected to being on your own.
Those who argue for Brexit are wrong, and that is because they have not been properly informed about the costs.
Brexit has energised millions of people, young and old, to take part in our democracy and that's a great thing.
There are, of course, some who demand a no-deal Brexit and threaten to vote for any party that will deliver it.
Brexit has acted as a catalyst encouraging more people to think and vote outside of traditional party loyalties.
Brexit has given us the start of a conversation with people who perhaps haven't traditionally voted Conservative.
We champion freedom - but Brexit will mean the next generation is less free to live, work and love across Europe.
And after Brexit, we will be free to determine our economic future, with control over our money, laws and borders.
Brexit will lead to a flight of talent, money and taxes - and the country will have to take on more and more debt.
I'm proud to say like many of my colleagues in the Conservative Party I am fully behind Theresa May's Brexit plans.
I would delete Donald Trump. I would delete Hillary Clinton. I would delete the man who was responsible for Brexit.
Putting the Withdrawal Bill in order is an essential step to stability and achieving a reasonable outcome to Brexit.
Having spent six years as Europe Minister, I am in no doubt about the technical challenge Brexit presents lawmakers.
Of course Brexit means that something is wrong in Europe. But Brexit means also that something was wrong in Britain.
We cannot afford to let Brexit slip away - the political price, the reputational damage to the country is too great.
The BBC always wants to blame things on Brexit. I'm not saying this is a conspiracy: I'm saying it is a fact of life.
Once Brexit is delivered, we then need to think about how we can make the Conservatives look new and sound different.
As the Bank of England has noted, Brexit is a unique experiment in the reimposition of protectionist barriers to trade.
A failure to listen to the party's grassroots was a charge regularly levelled at Theresa May - particularly over Brexit.
The country is polarised between those who would pursue a hard Brexit, which is where the prime minister is, and Remain.
Brexit is the most complex and difficult political decision our country has had to take in mine and many other lifetimes.
The public wants to know that their political leaders will stay true to the promise made to them that Brexit means Brexit.
From our perspective, just narrowly from the financial sector and from our institution, there's nothing good about Brexit.
The entire debate around a 'No Deal' Brexit assigns a vastly overstated importance to the role of government in daily life.
However painful or regrettable Brexit may be, it will not stop the E.U. as it moves to the future; we need to move forward.
Any genuine progressive should work together to stop Brexit - this is a national emergency, requiring national cooperation.
Although economic grievances were critical in delivering the referendum result, Brexit has fomented an all-out culture war.
There is no form of Brexit that will be good for our country but a no-deal Brexit will be the most catastrophic of them all.
I am a passionate, pragmatic, and positive believer in Brexit, and with my three-step plan, we can decisively leave the E.U.
Brexit cannot be done with the traditional Westminster/Whitehall system as Vote Leave warned repeatedly before 23 June 2016.
For me, no one aspect of the Brexit debate displays so markedly the monomania of many Brexiteers as does the Irish question.
In the hundreds of hours spent in Parliament debating Brexit, I constantly think of how we could have spent our time better.
Labour are a danger to our security and our economy and are wholly incapable of negotiating the best Brexit deal for Britain.
The first job of the Brexit Party is to make sure Brexit's delivered and if that involves electoral pacts, that might happen.
Brexit has really broken a taboo. The Brits have shown us that you can leave the European Union, and you can come out better.
Brexit is the other face of the refugee crisis - tensions that lead to stasis, external risks that lead to asymmetric shocks.
We've seen with Brexit and other things that there's a dark impulse to be petulant and frustrated with complicated solutions.
The cruel realities of austerity and Brexit mean that life is chaotic, expensive and the road ahead is littered with obstacles.
The final Brexit deal must ensure there is no diminution in Britain's national security or ability to tackle cross-border crime.
We don't see any material impact of Brexit, either in the U.K. or in the neighbouring countries and the U.K.'s trading partners.
No one voted for a Brexit that will tie us to the E.U.'s customs rules and prevent us striking meaningful trade deals of our own.
I think that what is happening now in terms of the Brexit vote does represent a serious undermining of the Good Friday Agreement.
Brexit is a major concern for us, and it should be a major concern for all of us who live in the U.K. and operate out of the U.K.
Far from the quick and easy exit that Leave campaigners once promised, Brexit has become mired in its own internal contradictions.