Quotes of All Topics . Occasions . Authors
I think we have to pay attention to the Arab masses not just in the Gulf States, but also in the hinterlands.
I realise that in an electoral campaign, you don't want to antagonise large groups which are highly motivated.
People, governments and economies of all nations must serve the needs of multinational banks and corporations.
The Ukrainian opposition should adopt democratic unity as its main principle, and it also must have one leader.
Economically, we are, to some significant degree, interdependent with Chinese well-being. That is a great asset.
The future is inherently full of discontinuities, and lessons of the past must be applied with enormous caution.
I was deeply involved in the decision that President Jimmy Carter made to boycott the Olympics in Moscow in 1980.
The United States wants to be part of the solution to its problems and not, in part, the maker of their problems.
Can we really mobilize support, even of friends, when we tell them that if you are not with us you are against us?
One has to be willing to face the fact that what has transpired in Iraq is not exactly a very successful exercise.
Given the accelerating velocity of history, we should begin charting deliberately the next phase in its trajectory.
Bipartisanship helps to avoid extremes and imbalances. It causes compromises and accommodations. So let's cooperate.
America's decline would set in motion tectonic shifts undermining the political stability of the entire Middle East.
Nonsense! It is said that the West had a global policy in regard to Islam. That is stupid. There isn't a global Islam.
A great deal of world politics is a fundamental struggle, but it is also a struggle that has to be waged intelligently.
I was confident about America and the idea that in America people can become American without masking their ethnic identity.
Foreign policy should not be justified through making oneself feel good, but through results that have tangible consequences.
Constant reference to a 'war on terror' did accomplish one major objective: It stimulated the emergence of a culture of fear.
It is in the U.S. interest to engage Iran in serious negotiations - on both regional security and the nuclear challenge it poses.
A Russia that gradually begins to gravitate toward the West will also be a Russia that ceases to disrupt the international system.
It is important to ask ourselves, as citizens, whether a world power can provide global leadership on the basis of fear and anxiety.
The mullahs are part of the past in Iran, not its future. But change in Iran will come through engagement, not through confrontation.
I think if NATO haven't expanded, we would have a no-man's zone between the E.U. and NATO and Russia, and that would be very dangerous.
World War II and the ensuing Cold War compelled the United States to develop a sustained commitment to Western Europe and the Far East.
The scope of America's global hegemony is admittedly great, but its depth is shallow, limited by both domestic and external restraints.
Basically, I see Iran as an authentic nation-state. And that authentic identity gives it cohesion, which most of the Middle East lacks.
War triggers unforeseeable military dynamics and sets off massive political shocks, creating new problems as well as new opportunities.
I would like to promote internal change in Iran - which is more likely if we don't fuse Iranian nationalism with Iranian fundamentalism.
We don't have a public that really understands the world anymore, and in the age of complexity, that problem becomes much more difficult.
Sometimes in international politics, the better part of wisdom is to defer dangers rather than try to eliminate them altogether instantly.
Look at Islam in a rational manner and without demagoguery or emotion. It is the leading religion of the world with 1.5 billion followers.
There is an element of paranoia in this inclination to view any serious attempt at a compromised peace as somehow directed against Israel.
As in all things, it is terribly important to have a sense of priorities in what you do. And to make certain that priorities do not clash.
It is conceivable that at some point a truly united and powerful European Union could become a global political rival to the United States.
Saddam Hussein was an odious dictator, but he was also a very effective opponent of Iran. He was also a very effective opponent of al-Qaida.
We have to make a really cold judgement. Would the consequence of civil war be more devastating than the consequences of staying the course?.
The United States should not engage in tit-for-tat polemics directed at its most important allies. That is as demeaning as it is destructive.
AIPAC has consistently opposed a two-state solution, and a lot of members of Congress have been intimidated, and I don't think that's healthy.
There is an element of delusional obsession in the French political elite's preoccupation with the notion that France is still a global power.
I don't feel I was "born American," but my homeland was denied to me after the end of World War II and I craved something I could identify with.
With the decline of America's global preeminence, weaker countries will be more susceptible to the assertive influence of major regional powers.
Benchmarks are targets that have to be fulfilled. They cannot be fulfilled in an indefinite period of time, so there are timetables in benchmarks.
If the United States and China can accommodate each other on a broad range of issues, the prospects for stability in Asia will be greatly increased.
If we end up with war in Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Iran at the same time, can anyone see a more damaging prospect for America's world role than that?
If we slide into a pattern of just thinking about today, we'll end up reacting to yesterday instead of shaping something more constructive in the world.
The costly unilateralism of the younger Bush presidency led to a decade of war in the Middle East and the derailment of American foreign policy at large.
There is crisis in Europe, where Russia is the principle intriguer and player, which affects a major source of international business and flow of capital.
I can't believe that the Russians really think they're more insecure because Estonia is in NATO. And we don't have forces poised in Estonia to attack Russia.
The mistakes of the Iraq war are not only tactical and strategic, but historical. It is essentially a war of colonialism, attempted in the post-colonial age.
Not to mention the fact that of course terrorists hate freedom. I think they do hate. But believe me, I don't think they sit there abstractly hating freedom.