Quotes of All Topics . Occasions . Authors
Britain's destiny lies in Europe.
I am in favour of a fully transferable allowance.
The NHS is the closest thing the English have to a religion.
There has always been, and there always will be, an economic cycle.
In terms of the arguments, I think the pro-Leave campaign is winning them all.
I don't think the government needs to be frightened of the banks in the slightest.
We already have a sabbatical system. It's called opposition, and I've had enough of it.
The Treasury has enough trouble with forecasts even when they are trying to get them right.
To govern is to choose. To appear to be unable to choose is to appear to be unable to govern.
Most of the countries in the world are outside the E.U., and they are doing very nicely, thank you.
This clutching hold of the E.U. is a sign of a lack of national self-confidence - which is not healthy.
I have to say to the Government that you are not even getting nowhere fast - you are getting nowhere slowly.
I think that the ordinary bloke has an instinctive sense that it wouldn't be too bad if the weather warmed up.
I have long argued that in the modern world, corporation tax has had its day as a major source of tax revenue.
I strongly suspect that there would be a positive economic advantage to the U.K. in leaving the single market.
However useful computer models may be, the one thing they cannot be is evidence. Computer climate models are simply conjectures.
Raising the personal allowance is massively expensive. For the same amount of money, you could look at reducing the rate of tax.
One of the most important things that a Thatcher government did was change the mood of the nation to give it back its confidence.
No one, however long they have held the post, lightly gives up the great office of Chancellor of the Exchequer. Certainly I did not.
It is quite clear that history will record that Margaret Thatcher was the greatest Prime Minister this country has had since Churchill.
The right kind of immigrants can benefit the British economy enormously, but no country can accept indiscriminate, unlimited immigration.
The spread of personal ownership is in harmony with the deepest instincts of the British people. Few changes have done more to create one nation.
The pro-E.U. campaign is all too likely to be based on a fear of the unknown because in most people's lifetime, we have never been out of the E.U.
You have got to clear up that corporation tax in the modern way has had its day as a major source of revenue, and we have got to find a new system.
I'm sure Mark Carney is a very clever young man, but I think that the government would be mad to move from inflation targeting to money GDP targeting.
When differences of view emerge, as they are bound to do from time to time, they should be resolved privately and whenever appropriately, collectively.
Nothing could be further from the truth than the claim that we have a choice between cutting tax and cutting unemployment, for the two go hand in hand.
I am delighted to accept the chairmanship of Vote Leave, to help ensure that the organisation is fully prepared for the start of the referendum campaign.
You do not need to be within the single market to be able to export to the European Union, as we see from the wide range of goods on our shelves every day.
If you punish the banks, all you are doing is reducing the banks' capital, which you want to increase, and punishing shareholders, who have done nothing wrong.
A flat-rate poll tax would be politically unsustainable; even with a rebate scheme, the package would have an unacceptable impact on certain types of household.
I am not surprised Cameron says he supports what Gillard is doing in Australia because we have, in the U.K., a totally misconceived climate change plan as well.
The successful conduct of economic policy is possible only if there is - and is seen to be - full agreement between the Prime Minister and the Chancellor of the Exchequer.
If our system of cabinet government is to work effectively, the prime minister of the day must appoint ministers he or she trusts and then leave them to carry out that policy.
There is always, of course, a limit in a democracy as to what is politically possible, so you have to respect that limit. But in my experience, governments tend to be too timid.
It would be wholly wrong constitutionally for the unelected House of Lords to do anything, to kill anything of a financial nature that has been through the House of Commons not once but twice.
Not only is the Kyoto approach to global warming wrong-headed, the climate change establishment's suppression of dissent and criticism is little short of a scandal. The IPCC should be shut down.
We should be forced to give so many exemptions and concessions (inevitably to the benefit of high spending authorities in Inner London) that the flat-rate poll tax would rapidly become a surrogate income tax.
As the resignation letter which I wrote to the Prime Minister clearly implies, it was not the outcome I sought, but it is one that I accept without rancour, despite what might be described as the hard landing involved.
If I really believed in Friedman's economic theory, then I'd be quite satisfied to spend the rest of my life with a garden hose shoved down my throat, being filled with custard by representatives of the people of China.
Hopelessly uneconomic on any substantial scale, since it requires a conventional power back-up for when the wind stops blowing, forests of wind turbines are rightly regarded in most countries as an environmental monstrosity.
Too much of British business and industry feels similarly secure in the warm embrace of the European single market and is failing to recognise that today's great export opportunities lie in the developing world, particularly in Asia.
The 'in' campaign will attempt to scare people into believing that if the U.K. were to leave, investment and jobs would move abroad. They are as wrong about that now as they were when they warned that this would happen if we did not sign up to the Euro.
Those who claim that to leave the E.U. would damage the City are the very same as those who in the past confidently predicted, with a classic failure of understanding, that the City would be gravely damaged if the U.K. failed to adopt the euro as its currency.
One of the things that concerned me was the way the system operated: the wife who went out to work got a full personal allowance, but the wife who was working at home got nothing. This was particularly hard on wives who gave up work for a time to bring up children.
Gradual and moderate warming brings benefits as well as incurring costs. These benefits and costs will not, of course, be felt uniformly throughout the world; the colder regions of the world will be more affected by the benefits, and the hotter regions by the costs.
In Europe, where climate change absolutism is at its strongest, the quasi-religion of greenery in general and the climate change issue in particular have filled the vacuum of organised religion, with reasoned questioning of its mantras regarded as a form of blasphemy.
The heart of the matter is that the very nature of the European Union, and of this country's relationship with it, has fundamentally changed after the coming into being of the European monetary union and the creation of the eurozone, of which - quite rightly - we are not a part.
She felt Britain should not be so dependent on coal. She was in favour of building up nuclear energy to break the dependence on coal, and the main opposition to nuclear came from the environment movement. Mrs. Thatcher thought she could trap them with the carbon emissions argument.
During the 1960s, and again in the 1970s, growth in manufacturing productivity in the United Kingdom was the lowest of all the seven major industrial countries in the world. During the 1980s, our annual rate of growth of output per head in manufacturing has been the highest of all the seven major industrial countries.