Quotes of All Topics . Occasions . Authors
Donald Trump is the swamp.
I generally sleep about four hours.
I like doing scholarship for its own sake.
My wife is a doctor at a veteran's hospital.
Obstruction of justice requires a corrupt intent.
The Supreme Court should televise its proceedings.
At times, President Trump has behaved far worse than Nixon did.
It's such a dangerous thing for desperation to drive litigation.
The Supreme Court is very capable of acting quickly when it needs to.
I served in two administrations very high up in the Justice Department.
I'm blessed with the fact that I don't need a tremendous amount of sleep.
We have learned Trump's disregard for the truth, and the rule of law is real.
Sometimes momentous government action leaves everyone uncertain about the next move.
I never want to be in the business of predicting what the U.S. Supreme Court will do.
If you are looking for someone to break the mold, the last guy you look to is Robert Mueller.
It's definitely true that law enforcement investigations expand over time in appropriate ways.
Our Supreme Court has been very clear that the government can't just simply say something and make it so.
The special counsel regulations were written to provide the public with confidence that justice was done.
The hospital room of a cabinet official is exactly the type of target ripe for surveillance by a foreign power.
Firing the prosecutor who's about to get you or your campaign is kind of quintessential obstruction of justice.
People tend to take more risks in groups than alone. For these reasons, the law has always treated conspiracy harshly.
My parents wanted to keep me away from girls, so they sent me to a Catholic boy's school, the Loyola Academy in Chicago.
Institutionalizing dissent in our agencies moves us toward a healthier democracy and helps fulfill our founders' vision.
I didn't go to fancy schools or come from money or from a family that valued law or public speaking in any shape or form.
The Supreme Court has been very clear: when it comes to religious discrimination, you can take intent into consideration.
One thing we know about government after the New Deal is that checks and balances through whistle-blowing is terrible policy.
The nice thing about the 'House of Cards' is they did 70 takes, so it was a little different. You only get one at the Supreme Court.
In some cases, Justice Department leaders can supervise investigations despite having personal knowledge about the entities involved.
One of our Constitution's greatest virtues is that it looks to judges as a source of reasoned, practical, rights-minded decision making.
Unanimity is important because it signals that the justices can rise above their differences and interpret the law without partisanship.
Our founders recognized that 'men were not angels' and that checks and balances in government were critical to avoid threats to the rule of law.
No one wants a president to be guilty of obstruction of justice. The only thing worse than that is a guilty president who goes without punishment.
Every time a president invokes executive privilege, there are three relevant audiences he has to think about: the courts, Congress, and the public.
Justice Scalia was usually particularly challenging to me at oral argument, but I so respected his intellect and commitment to the pursuit of truth.
The upshot of the Nixon tapes case was that any president is going to have an extremely hard time resisting a request from a law enforcement officer.
Many programs are built on the government's spending power, and the existence of an extraconstitutional limit on that power is a worrisome development.
I said that my parents had come from India. They thought America was a place where people were treated equally, and their kids would have an amazing life.
In 2006, I argued and won Hamdan v. Rumsfeld, a Supreme Court case that struck down President George W. Bush's use of military tribunals at Guantanamo Bay.
The Solicitor General is responsible for overseeing appellate litigation on behalf of the United States and with representing the United States in the Supreme Court.
I think there is a role for courts in a variety of areas, but the notion that we can allow a federal judge to run our greenhouse gas policy strikes me as preposterous.
It simply cannot be that the president can name his own temporary attorney general to supervise an investigation in which he and his family have a direct, concrete interest.
Americans can tolerate some secrecy, particularly when it is rooted in protection of the public's interests. But when the claims appear to hide wrongdoing, they begin to curdle.
Appellate advocacy, particularly at the Supreme Court, is really intimate. I mean, you're just a few feet away from the Chief Justice. You know, if you're sweating, they see you.
Trump abuses every privilege in the same way. It's kind of like King George. Take a legal concept and then stretch it beyond all recognition, and that's what you have Trump doing.
Even if I might say to myself, 'I don't need health insurance. I won't get sick,' the fact is, as human beings with mortality, we are going to get sick, and it's unpredictable when.
When it comes to investigating a president, the special counsel regulations I had the privilege of drafting in 1998-99 say that such inquiries have one ultimate destination: Congress.
In our Constitution, our bedrock principle, you know - indeed, what the nation was founded on - is an idea of freedom of religion: that we don't single out people because of their religion.
Prosecutors use the conspiracy doctrine to punish two or more people who merely agree to commit a criminal act. They don't even have to actually perform the act; they just need to have agreed to do so.
The joy of great fiction is that it transports the reader to another world, where new characters live in otherwise unimaginable ways. It is one of the most powerful ways of generating empathy that I know.
The special-counsel regulations were drafted at a unique historical moment. We were approaching the end of President Bill Clinton's second term, and no one knew who would be elected president the next year.