Quotes of All Topics . Occasions . Authors
Culture has no logic.
Donald Trump is a family man.
I think Bob Woodward's books are important books.
I've said many times: I'm not a Washington reporter.
I have written periodically for the Guardian for more than a decade.
If politics is a game of shrewd and knowing men, Trump has ruined it.
I work like every journalist works so I have recordings, I have notes.
Voters seem to enjoy voting for what experts believe they won't vote for.
The most significant social pathology of my youth was the generation gap.
A President of the United States cannot restrain anything from publication.
The Steve Bannon I know - I locate Steve's politics as a Democrat circa 1962.
It's not implausible that Donald Trump could have been a successful President.
Alan Rusbridger is, to many, among the most admired newspaper editors of our time.
I'm not a daily reporter. I'm not a newspaper reporter, I'm not a political reporter.
I mean, can Donald Trump get elected again in 2020 without Steve Bannon? I would say no.
The more power you have, the more surely it will be taken from you before you are ready to give it up.
Politics is ultimately not that complicated a profession; it's where the mediocre distinguish themselves.
The hold on power always ends. While death will surely break it, someone else usually grabs it before then.
Politics is a literal game. Every word must represent a strict view - or be so abstract as to be meaningless.
Fame, in Trumpian fashion, is war. You are expected to defend your fame; many people want to take it from you.
Trump loves the media. Trump understands the power it has and, accordingly, loves the people who have media power.
Journalism has become a form of idealism. It is no longer, first and foremost, function, craft, service - it is mission.
Trump is a man who, for better or worse, stands in opposition to the institutions that dominate American political life.
The Clintons are one of the most closed political organisations operating in America today. It is a kind of secret society.
During my many hours on the Acela, I have taken to watching 'The West Wing,' Aaron Sorkin's drama of an idealised White House.
One of the great business virtues of high publishing was that it was a difficult business to enter. You had to stand for something.
Being the governor of New York is a mighty job because of the city of New York. You would not want to be the governor of just upstate.
When 'Fire and Fury' came out, I thought Steve Bannon would certainly never speak to me again, and the truth is, he never stopped speaking.
In one sense, newspaper editor is an appropriate job for an out-of-work politician; politicians live the news cycle as intensely as editors.
One point about understanding Donald Trump is that he is always representing something which has only a casual connection to what he actually is.
Many of the accounts of what has happened in the Trump White House are in conflict with one another; many, in Trumpian fashion, are baldly untrue.
Guns in America have an atavistic force. Possessing them, or the act of not possessing them, is an identity that seems to pass from father to son.
Next to financial impropriety, being charged with a reckless pursuit of women is certainly the most damaging thing you can accuse a public person of.
Everybody appears to look down on Bieber. No person able to write a grammatical sentence about Justin Bieber actually thinks him worthy of the sentence.
Rusbridger's curious success, especially for a temperamentally remote figure, has been to give a reasonable face to the Guardian's quite quixotic mission.
If you run for president and lose, you promote yourself into all sorts of more lucrative, possibly more influential and surely more fun media opportunities.
The Snowden story, which won the Guardiana Pulitzer Prize, became the realisation of Rusbridger's dream of a brand-building, left-wing-uniting, global and viral story.
This American right to bear arms with, practically, a Muslim fierceness, sometimes seems as if it must be age-old, an ancient tradition from a tenacious frontier holdover.
I have known Boris Johnson since 2004. I wrote the first big profile about him in the American press. I've been edited by him when he ran the Spectator. I know his family.
One of the frustrations of the Republicans is that they have been mostly unsuccessful in equating the word Clinton with Mafia, which, to them, seems so head-smackingly obvious.
As a journalist - or as a writer - my obligation is to come as close to the truth as I possibly can. And that's not as close to someone else's truth, but the truth as I see it.
Two opposite and instructive figures in U.S. journalism during the Trump years are Gerard Baker, editor of the Wall Street Journal, and Martin Baron, editor of the Washington Post.
A particular modern problem is that megalomania, especially when it involves real estate development, is the disturbance of many faceless men. And a faceless man is a difficult enemy.
In a career of trying to pry secrets, gossip, specificity and truth out of media executives, Ailes has been the most forthcoming, personal, compelling and honest I've ever dealt with.
In business terms, if you take over a company and oust its CEO or fire a divisional chief, you run the place. But in institutional terms, as it happens, it doesn't at all work that way.
Brexit and Trump had upended the fundamental establishment viewpoint that politics was aspirational, that good politics promised progress, generational betterment and ever-expanding world reach.
Cable television is basically now the business of former political professionals. Joe Scarborough, a former Florida Congressman, is a far more successful cable host than he ever was a politician.
Indeed, Rusbridger has finessed for the Guardian a certain willing suspension of disbelief and is able to credibly maintain conceits and moral standards to which his own behaviour hardly conforms.
The most characteristic aspects of the Clintons, a political couple who might otherwise largely see themselves as practical-minded centrist consensus builders, is, of course, how much personal hatred they inspire.
The rise of Donald Trump established a new ground zero for liberal media, requiring no pretence of balance - better yet, with a kind of political brain haemorrhage, everybody seemed to have lost the ability to be balanced.