The Reagan Revolution has had no second act.

I read in all forms: paper, computer, phone, audio.

When you're actually president, the spin matters a lot less.

It's hard to say that Trump actually has a health care policy.

America can change its presidents, but the world doesn't change.

If it's a good story, it's a good story, and it draws readers in.

The candidate who promises the most has the best chance of winning.

Most presidents have not considered 100 days a significant milepost.

In some ways, I would be absolutely fascinated if Trump gets elected.

In modern times, the American military has become more bureaucratised.

The Tea Party loves Reagan because he said exactly what they want to hear.

Americans knock themselves out, especially since 9/11, praising the military.

The Republican Party has moved substantially to the right of where Reagan was.

On style points alone, Donald Trump makes GWB look magnificently presidential.

When a president doesn't know the policy, it doesn't make for a very effective leader.

I cannot think of a president or administration that has taken seriously the 100 days.

By the early 1960s, there was a moral consensus on what needed to be done on civil rights.

Booker Washington was branded an accommodationist by many of the people who criticized him.

I've been writing big stories of history, but there are a lot of fascinating little stories.

People are interested in people. They buy biographies; they don't buy studies of presidencies.

Booker Washington was essentially the head Republican boss in the South. He was a power broker.

The race question in America has often been about race, but it has equally often been about power.

I certainly don't think that the heirs of the American Revolution were a particularly noble class.

Our love for the Founders leads us to abandon, and even to betray, the very principles they fought for.

I'm often asked, 'Why didn't Benjamin Franklin ever become president?' My short, easy answer is: He died.

For Andrew Jackson, politics was very personal. He hated not just the federal debt. He hated debt at all.

Even when candidates have degrees from Harvard and Yale, they try to run as the candidate of the common man.

Interest in the Founders has risen and fallen over time, as has admiration for them and their accomplishments.

Presidents are evaluated not by what they did by the stroke of their own pen; it's what they persuade Congress to do.

It wasn't the smiling Trump that people elected. It was the frowning, glowering, angry Donald Trump that people elected.

George W. Bush has shown himself to be a decent guy, not exploiting his former office to make top dollars giving speeches.

Members of Congress are somewhat reluctant to tangle with a president who seems to have the backing of the American people.

The stories that I tell, the topics that I choose to write about, usually are suggested by something that I've done before.

If the incumbent or his party has been discredited sufficiently, the challenger can run a successful, content-free campaign.

If - heaven forbid - a shooter did come into my class, I wouldn't want to have to worry about getting caught in a crossfire.

Reagan has been deified by the Republican Party, which is odd. The Reagan that modern Republicans revere is not the real Reagan.

The historic dearth of labor was perhaps the central feature of the American economy in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.

When a president was elected with foreign policy experience, it was usually less about his foreign policy experience than other things.

Although this should not be so, historians reconsider presidencies based on how the presidents conduct themselves after leaving office.

Once you become president, you don't even have to stop for red lights. And if it looks like traffic's too bad, you just take a helicopter.

Abraham Lincoln spoke out against the Mexican War. But once Americans were under fire, people who were on the fence felt obliged to support it.

Toward the end of the 1964 presidential campaign, Reagan gives a speech on behalf of Barry Goldwater. It was like a screen test for a new career.

When people think of the oil industry, they think of Rockefeller, much like when people think of the software industry, they think of Bill Gates.

The American political system is based on the president taking the initiative and Congress responding. With President Trump, it's been the opposite.

The shelf life of a seventh-year State of the Union address is about five minutes. Presidents can propose stuff. They're probably not likely to get it done.

The Founders were anything but demigods to themselves and their contemporaries, who recognized full well that the experiment in self-government had only begun.

I'm the farthest thing from a bibliophile. I purge my collection regularly: If I haven't read a book in a couple of years, I try to give it to someone who will.

I never admit to wishing I'd written something by another author, but if my name mysteriously appeared on the title page of 'The Guns of August,' I wouldn't complain.

It's not an exaggeration to say that Texas gets a lot more out of being part of the United States than the United States gets out of having Texas as one of the states.

If you put on the military uniform, you're a prima facie hero. Generals are the epitome of that. They're the ones who have been most successful at the soldier's trade.

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